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University of Alberta

Dental Disease in Roman Period Individuals from the Sodo and Terontola,

in the Territory of Cortona, Italy

Erin Lindsay Jessup

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts

Anthropology

©Erin Lindsay Jessup

Fall 2012

Edmonton, Alberta

Permission is hereby granted to the University of Alberta Libraries to reproduce single copies of this thesis

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otherwise reproduced in any material form whatsoever without the author's prior written permission.

ABSTRACT

This study presents the results of a pathological examination of the dental

remains of nine individuals from the territory of Cortona (Tuscany), dated to the

Late Republican period (first century BC to first century AD). Eight of the

individuals were excavated from the area of the Sodo tumuli, Etruscan funerary

mounds dating to the sixth century BC, and a single individual from the nearby

modern city of Terontola. The sample was examined for caries, abscesses,

antemortem tooth loss, calculus, and enamel hypoplasia. Analysis reveals a high

prevalence of caries, consistent with an agrarian diet, and enamel hypoplasia,

indicative of poor health during childhood. Comparison of these data with those

from other studies on Etruscan and Roman populations suggests that although the

“typical” Mediterranean regimen of grains, legumes, and olives was consumed

throughout the region, significant differences existed between populations in

terms of the day-to-day diet.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Dott. Paolo Guillerini and the rest of the staff at the

Museo dell‟Accademia Etrusca e della Città di Cortona, as well as the

Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Toscana, for their assistance and

support of this project. I especially thank Dr. Helena Fracchia, for facilitating this

project from the very beginning and for her never-ending willingness to share her

extensive knowledge of the Val di Chiana.

I extend my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Nancy Lovell, without

whose guidance, patience, and sense of humour this thesis would not exist. I am

also indebted to Dr. Lovell for the countless research, presentation, and travel

opportunities she has awarded me during my graduate and undergraduate studies.

I would like to thank Hillary Sparkes and Katie Waterhouse, not only for

their encouragement and advice, but for all of the lunches and coffee breaks that

made up such an invaluable part of my graduate school experience. I would also

like to thank Christopher White who, in addition to serving as a sounding board

and providing much-appreciated help with the figures that appear in this thesis,

ensured there was never a dull moment in TB-50.

Most importantly, I would like to thank my family. I thank my parents,

Lloyd and Kathy Jessup, and my sisters, Kelly and Lindsay Jessup, for their

unwavering support and love. And I thank my fiancé, Chase Gordon: for keeping

me fed and motivated, of course, but mostly for everything else.

Funding for this project was provided by the University of Alberta and the

Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................... 1

WORKS CITED ............................................................................. 6

CHAPTER 2: THE SPATIAL, CULTURAL, AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT

OF THE VAL DI CHIANA .................................................................................... 8

INTRODUCTION .......................................................................... 8

ETRURIA ....................................................................................... 8

THE VAL DI CHIANA AND THE TERRITORY OF CORTONA

IN THE ETRUSCAN PERIOD .................................................... 11

ROMAN CONQUEST OF ETRURIA ......................................... 14

THE INHABITANTS OF ETRURIA BETWEEN THE FIRST

CENTURY BC AND THE FIRST CENTURY AD .................... 17

THE ROMAN VAL DI CHIANA AND THE ROMANIZATION

OF CORTONA ............................................................................. 20

CONCLUSION ............................................................................. 23

WORKS CITED ........................................................................... 26

CHAPTER 3: THE SITE AT SODO AND ITS SETTING ................................. 28

INTRODUCTION ........................................................................ 28

ETRUSCO-ROMAN BURIAL PRACTICES AND FUNERARY

STRUCTURES IN THE TERRITORY OF CORTONA ............. 28

THE TUMULI DEL SODO AND THE ROMAN PERIOD

BURIALS ..................................................................................... 31

Sodo Tumulus I ................................................................. 32

Sodo Tumulus II ............................................................... 34

The Circoli ........................................................................ 36

RE-USE OF PREHISTORIC BURIAL SITES IN THE ROMAN

WORLD AND POSSIBLE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SITE AT

SODO ............................................................................................ 37

CONCLUSION ............................................................................. 44

WORKS CITED ........................................................................... 49

CHAPTER 4: DENTAL DATA ........................................................................... 52

INTRODUCTION ........................................................................ 52

SKELETAL MATERIALS .......................................................... 53

METHODS OF PALAEOPATHOLOGICAL IDENTIFICATION

AND ANALYSIS ......................................................................... 58

RESULTS ..................................................................................... 62

Individual Count ............................................................... 62

Tooth Count ...................................................................... 63

Caries .................................................................... 63

Antemortem Tooth Loss ....................................... 63

Enamel Hypoplasia ............................................... 64

Calculus................................................................. 64

DISCUSSION ............................................................................... 65

Caries ................................................................................ 67

Antemortem Tooth Loss ................................................... 69

Enamel Hypoplasia ........................................................... 70

Calculus............................................................................. 71

The Role of Dental Data in Understanding Diet ............... 73

Diet and Dental Health in the Population at Sodo ............ 75

CONCLUSION ............................................................................. 80

WORKS CITED ........................................................................... 90

CHAPTER 5: TERONTOLA ............................................................................... 95

INTRODUCTION ........................................................................ 95

BURIAL DETAILS ...................................................................... 95

DENTAL PATHOLOGY ............................................................. 96

TOOTH WEAR ANALYSIS ....................................................... 98

CONCLUSION ........................................................................... 101

WORKS CITED ......................................................................... 110

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSIONS ......................................................................... 112

APPENDIX A - SUMMARY OF BURIAL INFORMATION .......................... 114

APPENDIX B - THE DIAGENESIS OF BONE IN GROUNDWATER .......... 115

INTRODUCTION ...................................................................... 115

GROUNDWATER ..................................................................... 117

STRUCTURE AND COMPOSITION OF BONES AND TEETH

..................................................................................................... 119

DIAGENESIS OF BONES AND TEETH IN GROUNDWATER

..................................................................................................... 123

LIMITING FACTORS CONTROLLING BONE DIAGENESIS

..................................................................................................... 126

Hydrology of the Burial Environment ............................ 127

Soil Composition and pH ................................................ 130

Surface Area and Porosity of Bone ................................. 132

CONCLUSION ........................................................................... 135

WORKS CITED ......................................................................... 136

APPENDIX C – SAMPLE DENTAL DATA COLLECTION FORM .............. 141

LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.1. Individual count comparison of dental disease frequencies in the Sodo

sample. .................................................................................................................. 82

Table 4.2. Tooth count prevalence of caries in the Sodo sample. ........................ 82

Table 4.3. Tooth count prevalence of antemortem tooth loss in the Sodo sample.

............................................................................................................................... 83

Table 4.4. Tooth count prevalence of enamel hypoplasia in the Sodo sample. .... 83

Table 4.5. Tooth count prevalence of calculus in the Sodo sample. ..................... 84

Table 5.1. Tooth count prevalence of caries in the individual from Terontola. . 102

Table 5.2. Tooth count prevalence of antemortem tooth loss in the individual from

Terontola. ............................................................................................................ 102

Table 5.3. Tooth count prevalence of calculus in the individual from Terontola.

............................................................................................................................. 103

Table 5.4. Tooth wear analysis in the individual from Terontola. ...................... 103

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1. Map of central Italy showing Pisa, Rome, and significant Etruscan

settlements. (Adapted from Barker and Rasmussen 1998, Fig. 4). ....................... 24

Figure 2.2. Val di Chiana in the territory of Cortona with important sites

Google). ................................................................................................................ 25

Figure 3.1. A satellite image showing the location of the Sodo tumuli. The city of

Cortona is visible in the bottom right while the modern highway SS71/SR71 is

Figure 3.2. A plan of the Sodo tumuli and Circoli showing the locations of the

Roman period burials. (Adapted from a display plaque at the MAEC). ............... 45

Figure 3.3. Plan of Sodo Tumulus I showing the location of SI-1, SI-2, and SI-3 in

the dromos. (Adapted from Vallone 1995, Fig. 18). ............................................. 46

Figure 3.4. A drawing of Sodo tumulus II revealing the plans of Tomb 1, Tomb 2,

and the terrace altar. (Adapted from a display plaque at the MAEC). .................. 46

Figure 3.5. The reconstructed stone terrace altar at Sodo tumulus II. .................. 47

Figure 3.6. Plan of the tombs surrounding the terrace altar at Sodo II, showing the

locations of burials SII-2, SII-3, SII-4, SII-5, SII-8, and SII-9. The precise

location of SII-2 could not be determined from available records. (Adapted from a

display plaque at the MAEC). ............................................................................... 47

Figure 3.7. Plan of Circolo I showing the location of C-1, an intrusive inhumation

disrupting an earlier cremation burial. (Adapted from a display plaque at the

MAEC). ................................................................................................................. 48

Figure 3.8. Photo of C-1 in situ, during excavation. (Credit: MAEC). ................ 48

Figure 4.1. The cranial remains from SII-2 after cleaning. Remains were highly

fragmentary. .......................................................................................................... 85

Figure 4.2. A long bone fragment from SII-1. The fragile nature of the bone is

visible, as is the prolific infiltration by plant roots (arrows). ................................ 85

Figure 4.3. A long bone cross section from SI-3 under 2.5x magnification. The

invasive organic matter appears black. ................................................................. 86

Figure 4.4. The same long bone cross section from SI-3 under 20x magnification.

At this level, the globular appearance of the organic matter is visible, as is the

extent of the infiltration. ....................................................................................... 87

Figure 4.5. A gross carious lesion in the right first molar of SI-3. ....................... 88

Figure 4.6. Antemortem loss of the lower left first and second molars in SII-3.

The rounded cavity of the abscessed second molar is visible (arrow). ................. 88

Figure 4.7. Linear enamel hypoplasia in the left mandibular canine of SII-1

(arrows). ................................................................................................................ 89

Figure 4.8. Slight calculus on the lingual surface of the left mandibular teeth in

SI-3 (arrows). ........................................................................................................ 89

Figure 5.1. Map of Terontola showing the location of the burial under the current

carabinieri station. Also pictured is the location of the borgata rurale, a source of

Figure 5.2. T-1 as received at the MAEC, in extended supine position on two

terracotta roof tiles. ............................................................................................. 105

Figure 5.3. The cranium and mandible of T-1. The remains were highly

fragmentary. ........................................................................................................ 106

Figure 5.4. Left femur of T-1. The femoral shafts of T-1 were severed postmortem

and the medullary cavities infiltrated by mud (pictured: left). ........................... 106

Figure 5.5. Interproximal carious lesions in the upper right second and third

premolars (arrows). ............................................................................................. 107

Figure 5.6. Antemortem loss of the lower right second premolar and molars. Bone

remodelling is incomplete but well advanced, indicating that tooth loss occurred

significantly before death. ................................................................................... 107

Figure 5.7. Slight calculus on the lingual surface of the lower right lateral incisor

(arrow). Note also the minimal wear on the right incisors, canine, and first

premolar. ............................................................................................................. 108

Figure 5.8. Smith‟s system for scoring stages of tooth wear. Reprinted from Smith

(1984). ................................................................................................................. 108

Figure 5.9. Severe wear on the lower left second molar. .................................... 109

Figure 5.10. The wear on this upper right first molar is severe, scored as a 7 on

Smith‟s scale. Additionally, the tooth was worn obliquely, so that the chewing

surface extended past the cemento-enamel junction to include part of the root

(arrow)................................................................................................................. 109

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

The last centuries BC and first centuries AD saw the expansion of Roman

control across the Italian peninsula, and throughout Europe, the Near East and

North Africa. This was a period of cultural change during which many aspects of

Roman culture were adopted by local populations to serve specific ends. Other

aspects were rejected or were somehow altered or combined with existing cultural

strategies to create new, unique traditions (Wallace-Hadrill 2008: 10).

Conventionally, these processes have been obscured by the blanket term

„Romanization‟, which has increasingly been criticized for implying a passive

adoption of hom*ogeneous traditions across a wide geographic area (Mattingly

2011, Terrenato 1998, Wallace-Hadrill 2008).

In an attempt to bypass these problems, Wallace-Hadrill (2008: 13)

suggests thinking about Roman expansion in terms of the coexistence of “multiple

identities” in the colonized regions. He suggests that a single individual could be

bilingual, embody a unique combination of Roman and indigenous characteristics,

and consider him- or herself to be both Roman and non-Roman. Additionally, a

number of authors have emphasized the importance of a regional approach, where

individual areas are examined for their own unique combination of Roman and

non-Roman cultural characteristics (Mattingly 2011, Terrenato 1998, Witcher

2006). In this paradigm, overarching models and generalizations are abandoned,

at least temporarily, for local explanations based on the archaeological and

historical evidence from a given area.

The territory of Cortona, located in northern inland Etruria‟s Val di

Chiana, is a prime candidate for a regional approach to Romanization.

Throughout their histories, Etruscan and Roman cultures impacted and influenced

one another through trade, warfare, and various other forms of contact (Barker

and Rasmussen 1998, Johnson 1996, Toynbee 1971). Although the diffusion of

cultural attributes between Etruria and Rome existed for centuries, this process

intensified and became decidedly uneven in the fourth century BC as the Romans

began to take control of the region. Between the fourth and second centuries BC

the various city-states of Etruria succumbed to Roman rule and were subjected to

varying amounts of castigation, dependent largely on the degree to which they

resisted Roman invasion (Barker and Rasmussen 1998, Harris 1971, Scullard

1967, Torelli 1986).

Scholars agree that, relative to many of the other Etruscan city-states, the

territory of Cortona had a nonviolent incorporation into the expanding Roman

Empire. The new relationship was predominantly characterized by the signing of

truces and the stability of the existing social hierarchy (Fracchia 2006, Harris

1971). Unfortunately, although great strides have been made in the last several

decades, many of the details of this process remain unknown. The degree to

which various aspects of the pre-existing Etruscan culture were kept, lost, or

transformed in the Roman period is unclear. Additionally, the movement of

people as well as ideas has complicated the issue, as scholars strive to interpret

the cultural and biological make-up of the region throughout this time period (H.

Fracchia, pers. comm.). More information is needed to truly understand how the

region shaped a place for itself after Roman conquest.

Nearly all of our knowledge of the Etruscans comes to us from the texts of

Greek and Roman writers, who began documenting the Etruscans long before,

and continued long after, their assimilation (Harris 1971, Spivey and Stoddart

1990). The Etruscans themselves are viewed as a „proto-historic‟ society by

historians: they developed writing some time before 700 BC but the surviving

texts are few and restricted in content (Barker and Rasmussen 1998).

Archaeological and other “on the ground” studies have been an invaluable source

of information on the Etruscans, particularly in the sphere of Etruscan tombs and

other monuments, material culture, and art (e.g. Dennis 1883, Izzet 2007, Oleson

1982, Spivey and Stoddart 1990, Zamarchi Grassi 1992). Etruscan skeletal studies

have traditionally focused on cranial metrics (e.g. Claassen and Wree 2004, Sergi

1900-01) and establishing the Etruscan typology, with an increasing emphasis on

variations within and between populations (e.g. Moggi-Cecchi et al. 1997, Rubini

et al. 1997). Recently, ancient DNA studies have proliferated, often with the goal

of determining the biological and geographic origin of the Etruscans (see Perkins

2009 for a review of recent Etruscan DNA studies).

The site at Sodo, in the territory of Cortona, consists of two Etruscan

funerary mounds dated to the sixth century BC. Throughout the sixth, fifth and

fourth centuries BC the tumuli were used and re-used for burial by the local elite

before they fell into disuse in the third century BC (Vallone 1995). In the Roman

period, the tumuli once again became a burial location when a number of

individuals were interred in and around the earthen mounds. These individuals

were identified as low status from the paucity of grave goods and the burial form,

a cappuccina, which was common for low status individuals (Barker and

Rasmussen 1998: 234, Toynbee 1971: 101). Fourteen individuals from the first

century BC to the first century AD were recently made available for study by the

Museo dell‟Accademia Etrusca e della Città di Cortona (MAEC) and eight of

these were examined for pathological conditions of the teeth. Additionally, the

first century BC to first century AD grave of one individual from Terontola,

located approximately 9 kilometres south-east of the Sodo tumuli, was made

available. This individual was also evaluated for dental disease. Limited skeletal

analysis was completed on the remains from both the Sodo and Terontola,

although data collection was hampered by the poor preservation of the remains.

The value of the Sodo and Terontola samples in contributing to a better

understanding of the Romanization of the territory of Cortona is clear. Not only

do they provide skeletal data from a region and time period of which there is very

little but they also represent a population that is both temporally and spatially

defined. Being such an obviously small portion of the local population, the

remains unfortunately do not provide an accurate sample for palaeodemography

studies. They do, however, provide an interesting glimpse into the inhabitants of a

specific territory in the Late Republican period and are valuable in attempts to

understand how the Etruscan Val di Chiana was reconstructed culturally,

biologically and physically in the Roman period.

The primary purpose of this thesis, then, is to contribute to the discussion

of the Romanization of the Val di Chiana by providing information on the

individuals inhabiting the territory of Cortona between the first century BC and

the first century AD. To achieve this goal, the specific research objectives are: (1)

to identify pathological lesions in the dentition of the skeletons from Sodo and

Terontola; (2) to explore these data in the context of Romanization of the Val di

Chiana, particularly with respect to diet and health.

This study will evaluate the dental data obtained from the Sodo and

Terontola in light of existing information on the Romanization of the region. As

such, Chapter 2 provides the cultural, historical and spatial background necessary

to interpret the skeletal material. Chapter 3 discusses the site at Sodo, chronicling

its use as a burial location and its excavation history, and provides a framework

for interpreting the re-use of burial spaces, examining similar instances

throughout the Roman world. Chapter 4 first outlines the preservation issues with

the Sodo sample and the materials and methods used to collect and evaluate data

from the skeletal remains. Chapter 4 then goes on to provide an examination of

the pathological conditions identified in the teeth of the Sodo sample, including

broad links to diet and behaviour. Chapter 5 examines the individual from

Terontola independently and evaluates his relevance to the study of the Sodo

material. Finally, Chapter 6 provides a summary and discusses conclusions.1

1 Elements of this thesis have already been published in a report submitted to the Museo

dell‟Accademia Etrusca e della Città di Cortona, and the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici

della Toscana.

WORKS CITED

Barker G, Rasmussen T. 1998. The Etruscans. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd.

Claassen A, Wree H. 2004. The Etruscan skulls of the Rostock anatomical

collection – how do they compare with the skeletal findings of the first

thousand years BC.? Annals of Anatomy 186: 157–63.

Dennis G. 1883. The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria vol. 2. 3rd

edition. London:

John Murray.

Fracchia H. 2006. The Villa at Ossaia and the Territory of Cortona in the Roman

Period. Siracusa: Lombardi editori.

Harris WV. 1971. Rome in Etruria and Umbria. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Izzet V. 2007. The Archaeology of Etruscan Society. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

Johnson MJ. 1996. The Mausoleum of Augustus: Etruscan and other influences

on its design. In: Hall JF, editor. Etruscan Italy. Provo (UT): Brigham

Young University, pp217-239.

Mattingly DJ. 2011. Imperialism, Power, and Identity: Experiencing the Roman

Empire. Princeton (NJ): Princeton University Press.

Moggi-Cecchi J, Pacciani E, Chiarelli B, D‟Amore G, Brown K. 1997. The

Anthropological Study of Etruscan Populations. Etruscan Studies 4(1): 73-

86.

Oleson JP. 1982. The Sources of Innovation in Later Etruscan Tomb Design (ca.

350-100 BC). Rome: Giorgio Bretschneider Editore.

Perkins P. 2009. DNA and Etruscan Identity. In: Swaddling J, Perkins P, editors.

Etruscan by Definition; The Cultural, Regional and Personal Identity of

the Etruscans. The British Museum Research Publications (173). London:

The British Museum Press, pp95-111.

Rubini M, Bonafede E, Mogliazza S, Moreschini L. 1997. Etruscan biology: The

Tarquinian population, seventh to second century BC (Southern Etruria,

Italy). International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 7(3): 202-211.

Scullard HH. 1967. The Etruscan Cities and Rome. Ithaca (NY): Cornell

University Press.

Sergi G. 1900-01. Studi di crani antichi. Atti della Società Romana di

Antropologia 7: 162-174.

Spivey N, Stoddart S. 1990. Etruscan Italy. London: B.T. Batsford Ltd.

Terrenato N. 1998. Tam Firmum Municipium: The Romanization of Volaterrae

and its cultural implications. The Journal of Roman Studies 88: 94-114.

Torelli M. 1986. History: Land and people. In: Bonfante L, editor. Etruscan Life

and Afterlife. Detroit (MI): Wayne State University Press, pp47-65.

Toynbee JMC. 1971. Death and Burial in the Roman World. London: Thames and

Hudson.

Vallone MT. 1995. Cortona of the principes. Etruscan Studies 2: 109-139.

Wallace-Hadrill A. 2008. Rome‟s Cultural Revolution. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

Witcher R. 2006. Settlement and society in early imperial Etruria. The Journal of

Roman Studies 96: 88-123.

Zamarchi Grassi P, editor. 1992. La Cortona dei principes. Cortona: Calosci –

Cortona.

CHAPTER 2: THE SPATIAL, CULTURAL, AND

HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE VAL DI CHIANA

INTRODUCTION

This study examines available skeletal data from the Etruscan Sodo tumuli

and Terontola in order to contribute to a fuller picture of the „Romanization‟ of

the Italian Val di Chiana. Such an examination cannot be completed outside a

comprehensive, historical context. This chapter outlines the temporal, spatial and

cultural framework within which the analysis should be considered.

ETRURIA

Etruria was located in central Italy and was comprised of portions of what

are now Tuscany, Umbria and Latium. Etruria-proper was bordered by the

Tyrrhenian Sea to the west, the Arno River to the north, the Tiber River to the

south and east, and the Apennine Mountains to the north-east (Figure 2.1). Today,

the climate of Etruria is typically Mediterranean with summer temperatures

varying between 30 and 35°C and winter temperatures between 2 and 7°C. The

average yearly rainfall in the region varies between 700 and 1,000mm, with most

of the precipitation occurring in autumn and winter (Barker and Rasmussen 1998:

25).

Etruria‟s natural boundaries may have been the Arno and the Tiber, but

Etruscan expansion took the culture well beyond these limits: north into the Po

Valley and south into Campania (Nielsen 1984: 255, Torelli 1975). Moreover, the

Etruscan “Tarquin” dynasty ruled Rome for roughly a century until they were

expelled in 509 BC and the Etruscans have been credited with having a profound

influence on the development of the early Roman Republic (Barker and

Rasmussen 1998: 139-40).

The Etruscan culture first appeared in the seventh century BC, when the

Iron Age Villanovan traditions of central Italy gave way to the Orientalizing

period, heavily influenced by the Greek and Phoenician cultures (Ibid.: 1-6).1 The

term „Etruscan‟ refers to people associated with what is perceived to be a different

material culture than their Iron Age predecessors, although it is notable that the

inland cities of northern Etruria were not as subject to Eastern influence and

remained tied to their Villanovan traditions much more than the coastal and

southern cities (Torelli 1986).

Etruria was divided into a series of autonomous settlements.2 Initially

these settlements were monarchies, each ruled by its own king (Holder 1999: 33).

Later, these kings were superseded by aristocratic families, the principes, and

Etruria became a collective of oligarchical city-states. Despite civil and

diplomatic ties between the various sovereign territories, specifically the famous

League of the Twelve (Etruscan) Peoples, the city-states remained independent

1 There has been much debate in the literature as to whether this change involved the immigration

of new people, or whether it was a progression of material culture within a continuous occupation.

“Virtually all archaeologists now agree that the evidence is overwhelmingly in favour of the

„indigenous‟ theory of Etruscan origins: the development of Etruscan culture has to be understood

within an evolutionary sequence of social elaboration in Etruria…” (Barker and Rasmussen 1998:

44). 2 As with Etruria itself, Etruscan settlements and the individual properties within them were

usually delineated and defined by natural boundaries such as rivers, valleys and mountains.

Division of land was fundamental to the Etruscan world view and boundaries were viewed as

immutable; handed down from the gods (Edlund-Berry 2006, Jannot 2005).

and there is little evidence that they presented a clear, unified political force

(Harris 1971: 96).

Throughout Etruria social stratification intensified and a division is

discernible between the aristocracy and what Terrenato (1998) refers to as the

“dependent” class.3 The power of the principes over this dependent class extended

in part from their control of the prophets or haruspices. Religion permeated all

aspects of Etruscan life and this close relationship with divinity appears to have

reinforced the authority of the ruling class (Jannot 2005).

The Etruscans understood their civilization to be divided into a series of

periods of varying lengths called saecula, the details of which were predetermined

by the gods but unknown to the people. According to this system, the Etruscan

civilization began in approximately 970 BC with the beginning of the first

saeculum and would have a finite end with the close of the tenth saeculum (Harris

1971).

Historians mark the Etruscan Age as beginning slightly later and divide it

into the following periods (after Barker and Rasmussen 1998: 5-6):

700 BC-570 BC – the Orientalizing period; Eastern influences brought about

changes in material culture that coincided with the rise of

city-states and an increase in ostentation

570 BC-470 BC – the Archaic period; the height of Etruscan power and influence

3 While many labels, including “serfs” and “slaves” have been utilized in attempts to describe the

dependent class, the actual nature of the relationship is unclear and likely varied between

territories (Harris 1971, Terrenato 1998, Torelli 1986).

470 BC-300 BC – the Classical period, sometimes included within the Archaic

period; saw the gradual retreat of Etruscan power

300 BC-31 BC – the Hellenistic period; characterized by the Roman conquest and

acculturation of the Etruscan peoples

THE VAL DI CHIANA AND THE TERRITORY OF CORTONA IN THE

ETRUSCAN PERIOD

The Val di Chiana4 is a 1,367 square kilometre watershed between the

Tiber Valley and the Ombrone Valley (Alexander 1984: 528). Sitting at the

boundary between the „anti-Apennine‟ and the „pre-Apennine‟ hills and

intersecting with a number of routes to the Tiber Valley, the Val di Chiana is an

important transit corridor through northern inland Etruria (Figure 2.2). To the

west, the sandstone, clay and limestone anti-Apennines reach several hundred

metres above sea level (asl). Beginning in the Val di Chiana and continuing to the

east, the predominantly limestone pre-Apennines rise irregularly from the valley

floor (Barker and Rasmussen 1998: 16-19). Throughout the Val di Chiana these

hills separate a western string of hot springs from the eastern cold springs

(Fracchia 2006: 20).

Today, the valley floor descends from 260 metres asl at Chiusi to 243

metres asl at Arezzo and the mountainous boundary ranges from altitudes of 600

metres to 1,148 metres asl (Alexander 1984: 528). Once a shallow lake as far as

Arezzo, the Val di Chiana was drained by the Etruscans in the late seventh or

early sixth century BC so they could take advantage of the highly fertile alluvial

4 Also called the Valdichiana and the Chiana, or Clanis, River Valley

deposits (Fracchia 2006: 20). Despite the slow moving waters of the Chiana River

and the subsequent siltation issues, the Val di Chiana possessed “an agricultural

potential unequalled in central Italy” (Vallone 1995: 109, for siltation see

Alexander 1984: 531-2). Even by the fourth century BC, Chiana grain was

exported as far away as Rome, where it was prized for its high gluten content and

enormous yields (Fracchia, pers. comm.).

In the Etruscan period, the Val di Chiana would have likely supported

deciduous forest, with a variety of trees including willow, alder, oak, ash, and elm

extending up the slopes to about 1,000 metres asl (Barker and Rasmussen 1998:

38). Fracchia (1996) argues that the archaeological evidence suggests that the

lower slopes of the south-eastern Val di Chiana were densely populated in this

period, in the form of small settlements and isolated establishments. Due largely

to farming and herding practices, the original tree cover gradually opened up so

that, by the Roman period, the valley was a predominantly open landscape

(Barker and Rasmussen 1998: 40).

The city of Cortona was one of twelve major Etruscan centres located

between the Arno and the Tiber, and one of three (along with Arezzo and Chiusi)

found within the Val di Chiana (Ibid.: 143).5 The city sits in a saddle on Mt.

Sant‟Egidio, between 450 metres and 550 metres asl, while the sixteenth century

fortress of Girifalco sits on the summit at 650 metres asl (Cataldi and Lavagnino

1990: 49, Holder 1999: 20). Continuous occupation of Cortona into modern times

5 While Cortona was certainly a dodecapolis (one of the twelve ruling city states of Etruria) by the

third century BC, there is some disagreement as to whether it was a founding member of the

original Etruscan league (cf. Fracchia 1996: 198, Holder 1999: 33, Torelli 1975)

has obliterated most traces of the Etruscan and Roman settlement, but it is

generally agreed to have most likely run down the western slope of the hill, in a

similar manner to the modern settlement (Scullard 1967: 156-7).

Below the city, the slopes of Mt. Sant‟Egidio provided forage for grazing

animals, workable sandstone and timber for building, and an ample supply of

copper, iron and other minerals (Holder 1999: 21). In the Orientalizing and

Archaic periods particularly, Cortona was a centre for decorative bronzework and

other forms of metallurgy (Boitani et al. 1975: 50, Holder 1999: 30). The valleys

around Cortona were also home to naturally occurring clay beds that provided the

material for brick, tile and other ceramics (Fracchia 2006: 20; Holder 1999: 22).

The wealth of the city, however, was primarily agricultural: the floor of the Val di

Chiana provided extensive, fertile agricultural land and Etruscan crop husbandry

involved the expanded cultivation of a wide range of cereals, legumes and tree

crops (Barker and Rasmussen 1998: 182-184, Fracchia 2006: 12).

Animal husbandry in the Etruscan era included animals such as horses,

donkeys, chickens, cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, and dogs, and the period saw an

increased emphasis on producing secondary products from these domesticates,

such as cheese, milk, and wool (Barker and Rasmussen 1998: 185). While hunting

was not a vital subsistence practice, it may have been an important contributor to

the elite diet, and the detection of wild foods such as fruit, nuts and large and

small game at archaeological sites suggests local use of seasonal resources to

compliment crops and domesticates (Ibid.: 200). Forniciari and Mallegni‟s (1987)

study of strontium and zinc levels in two Etruscan populations indicate that

generally, the diet came to rely increasingly on vegetable and plant-related foods

and less on animal derived protein.

The wealth of goods and foodstuffs in the Val di Chiana stemmed not just

from local resources but also from the valley‟s location in a trade network that

extended across the Italian peninsula and beyond. Through the numerous routes

that passed through the valley, the territory of Cortona was well-connected to the

upper Tiber Valley to the east, the Ombrone River Valley to the west and, by

extension, the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian coasts (Fracchia 2006: 21-2). Additionally,

at the centre of a triangle formed by Arezzo, Perugia, and Chiusi, Cortona is less

than a day‟s journey on horseback from all three (Holder 1999: 23, see also

Cataldi and Lavagnino 1990: 49). This proximity was crucial, as economic

exchange at the local and regional scale was integral to the Etruscan economy

(Barker and Rasmussen 1998: 210-2).

ROMAN CONQUEST OF ETRURIA

Roman expansion across the lands of Etruria was lengthy process, marked

by a series of major battles, small skirmishes and discrete treaties that bound

Rome to the individual city-states one at a time. While the bulk of the fighting

took place in the fourth and third centuries BC, total „conquest‟ was not truly

completed until several centuries later. But as the increasing pressure of Roman

military and political forces became inescapable, the Etruscan cities ultimately

succumbed and subsequently struggled to adapt to their new reality.

The Romans established a frontier in Southern Etruria by the early fourth

century BC with the fall of Veii in 396. The town‟s territory was subsequently

divided among Roman settlers and the Veientane survivors were likely enslaved.

The defeat of Veii provided the Romans with a foothold in Etruria and left the

land beyond exposed to Roman advancement. After this initial establishment of

Roman settlers in the South and the subsequent establishment of Latin colonies

nearby at Sutri and Nepi, the Roman conquest of Etruria progressed northward.

The final series of Etruscan wars with Rome began in 311 BC and included most

of the important towns of northern inland Etruria, including Arezzo, Chiusi,

Cortona, Perugia, Volterra, and Volsinii (Harris 1971: 47, 96).

In 310 BC indutiae, or truces, of thirty years were signed between Rome

and Perugia, Arezzo, and Cortona (Harris 1971: 54, Scullard 1967: 273).

Cortona‟s initial status (i.e. municipium, colonia or praefectum) after the truce is

unknown and, as a result, its level of self-governance and submission to Rome is

unclear. Although, through the conditions of the truce, life in Cortona was to

continue relatively uninterrupted, the city would have certainly been forced to pay

taxes to the Roman government and supply soldiers to the Roman army (Holder

1999: 43-5). The resulting depleted labour force, in addition to the loss of capital,

would have had serious repercussions on the local economy and, potentially,

social structure. Like other city-states, however, Cortona would have received

little by way of economic or political benefits in return (Harris 1977: 58).

The Social War of 91-88 BC was relatively uneventful for Cortona, as it

remained allied with Rome against the other tribes of the Italian peninsula. While

the general Sulla‟s passage through the Val di Chiana wreaked havoc on the

territories of Chiusi and Arezzo, Cortona appears to have survived unscathed

(Fracchia 2006: 34). By the end of 89 BC, the last of the Etruscan families

received Roman citizenship (Harris 1971: 231). The Etruscans were also

registered into Roman tribes for voting and bureaucratic purposes and Cortona

was registered into the tribe Stellatina, along with Tarquinia, Tuscania, Nepi and

others (Barker and Rasmussen 1998: 292, Harris 1971: 244, Torelli 1986).

With the Roman civil wars between Marius and Sulla, beginning in the

second decade of the first century BC, the Etruscans‟ recent good fortune

floundered. Almost unanimously, the city-states of Etruria sided with Marius and,

subsequently, were punished by the victorious Sulla (Barker and Rasmussen

1998: 266, Harris 1971: 251, Torelli 1986). Centres of resistance to Sulla included

Chiusi, Arezzo, Populonia and Volterra; fierce battles were fought at all of these

places (Torelli 1986). After the defeat of Marius, Sulla severely limited the

privileges enjoyed by the Etruscan people and seized huge tracts of land to

penalize them for their disloyalty. Particularly in the territories of Fiesole, Arezzo,

Volterra and Chiusi, land was confiscated and redistributed among Sulla‟s

veterans as reward for active service. These veteran colonies had a devastating

and demoralizing effect on the people of northern inland Etruria. Many, now

landless, emigrated to Africa and Spain; those that stayed behind never fully

recovered from the aggressive and devastating invasion (Barker and Rasmussen

1998: 266, Torelli 1986).

THE INHABITANTS OF ETRURIA BETWEEN THE FIRST CENTURY

BC AND THE FIRST CENTURY AD

Although the separation of „Etruscan‟ and „Roman‟ becomes an

increasingly problematic distinction to maintain into the second and first centuries

BC (e.g. Fracchia 2006: 14, Holder 1999: 46), there remains a rationale for

attempting to determine the ancestry, or ancestries, of the inhabitants of a given

area. „Romanization‟, the process of acculturation in which local language,

religion, dress and other cultural aspects are replaced by Roman traits, has been

criticized in recent years for the implication of Roman cultural dominance over

conquered peoples and for conjuring images of uniformity between the Roman

provinces (e.g. Wallace-Hadrill 2008: 9-14). For the purposes of this paper,

„Romanization‟ will be employed as defined by Harris (1971: 147): “the process

by which the inhabitants came to be and to think of themselves as Romans.” It is

important to bear in mind, however, that the population of Etruria was

heterogeneous and the degree to which the different inhabitants self-identified as

Roman would have varied across families, territories and social statuses.

Determining the biological and cultural ancestries of the inhabitants of Etruria can

help provide clues as to the true composition of „Roman Etruria‟.

In the third and second centuries BC Roman colonization of Etruria was

limited and despite several Latin colonies in the South, the majority of Etruria had

yet to be occupied by Roman colonists (Harris 1971: 97). The Romans likely

chose not to colonize extensively in Etruria because they were able to ensure the

security of their interests through the preservation of the existing social structure

and the local principes (Harris 1971: 202, Torelli 1986). With Etruscan society

sharply divided between the aristocratic principes and the dependent class, Rome

was able to enlist the help of the former against the latter: providing a method of

maintaining security that made colonization largely unnecessary. As such, despite

their numerous military victories the Romans founded no Latin colonies in

northern Etruria before the first century BC (Barker and Rasmussen 1998: 266).

Roman colonies in the South were more prolific although initially they were

predominantly military bases, essential for further expansion, rather than civil

colonies (Harris 1971).

Harris (1977: 56) argues that despite a lack of evidence, it is probable that

Rome confiscated land from the territories of Perugia, Chiusi, Arezzo, Cortona,

Roselle, and Volterra and converted it into ager publicus for settlement and

agriculture by 270 BC. How much of this land actually accommodated Roman

settlers as opposed to simply providing revenue for the Roman treasury is

uncertain, however, as is whether such seizures of land affected all of these city-

states. Furthermore, recent archaeological evidence from the territory of Cortona

suggests that the distribution of Etruscan villages along the valley floor remained

unchanged from the sixth century BC to the first century AD (H. Fracchia, pers.

comm.).

Latin settlement of the territories of Arezzo and Tarquinia certainly

occurred between 133 and 123 BC, with the land reform laws of the Gracchi

(Torelli 1986).6 Less than half a century later, the Sullan colonies at Fiesole,

6 Also associated with the establishment of Roman colonies is the relocation of the various Italic

peoples. As part of their land reorganization strategies, the Romans habitually forced Etruscans,

Arezzo, Chiusi and Volterra significantly increased the number of Roman settlers

in northern inland Etruria (Barker and Rasmussen 1998: 266, Harris 1971: 261-3).

Cortona has been put forward as another potential Sullan colony site but there is

no clear evidence to support this claim and Harris (1971: 264 n.9) suggests that

this assertion is due to the confusion of Cortona with Croton, the Hellenistic

settlement in modern Calabria.

In the last decades leading up to the turn of the millennium, Arezzo again

saw the establishment of Roman colonies, along with Perugia, Siena and several

other city-states (Harris 1971: 306-10, Torelli 1986). Unlike Sulla‟s veteran

colonies, however, these new colonies contributed to the “economic and social

stabilization and reconciliation” of these areas (Torelli 1986: 62). This

“stabilization and reconciliation” was, in Perugia, undoubtedly hampered by the

violent nature of the settlement: in addition to redistributing much of the land

surrounding the city, Octavian‟s orders called for the slaughter of most of the

wealthy Perugini (Harris 1971: 309, Torelli 1986). Regardless, the Augustan

settlements are attributed with accomplishing a great deal in terms of the

„Romanization‟ of Etruria (Harris 1971: 313-4).

By the first century BC, then, there were a number of Roman colonies in

northern inland Etruria, specifically in the territories adjacent to Cortona. Yet

none of the evidence argues for a significant number of Roman immigrants within

the territory of Cortona itself despite the specific mention of other city-states,

including nearby Arezzo. One can hardly be expected to believe that despite all

Umbrians, Lucanians and other Italic tribes to move around the peninsula (H. Fracchia, pers.

comm.).

types of contact between Cortona and the surrounding areas, as well as Cortona‟s

military defeat and subsequent submissiveness to Rome, there was a complete

absence of Latin colonists in her territories. The evidence seems, however, to

indicate that Cortona was not overrun with immigrants in the same way as many

of the other Etruscan city-states.

THE ROMAN VAL DI CHIANA AND THE ROMANIZATION OF

CORTONA

Throughout the Late Republican and Early Imperial periods, the cities of

Southern Etruria began to fade in importance while the cities of the North,

including Cortona, remained vital economic power centres (Bonfante 1986: 11).

A major contributor to the survival of the Northern cities was the Roman road

system, which came to consist of four principal roads in Etruria: the Via Aurelia

which ran parallel to the Tyrrhenian coast, the Via Flaminia which ran across

Southern Etruria and Umbria to the Adriatic coast, and the Vie Clodia and Cassia,

both of which ran through central Etruria (Harris 1971: 161). The Via Cassia,

dated to the first half of the second century BC, ran through the Val di Chiana

past the base of Mt. Sant‟Egidio, following the route of the earlier Etruscan road

almost exactly as it linked Cortona to Arezzo, Chiusi and beyond (Harris 1971:

161-8). Such proximity to the principal overland route through Etruria surely

facilitated the exportation of grain and other commodities from the lands around

Cortona (Barker and Rasmussen 1998: 23, Harris 1971: 161-8, Harris 1977: 57).

Fracchia (2006: 30) describes the third and second centuries BC as

belonging to a “general trend of architectural monumentalization and spatial

definition” as Cortona vied for position in the new Roman reality. Although

construction within the walls would have been limited by the existing city,

Cortona certainly saw the erection of Roman baths. The presence of other typical

hallmarks of a Roman town, such as a theatre and basilica, is also likely, though

no traces remain (Fracchia 2006: 34-5, Holder 1999: 45, Torelli 1986). Through

the adoption of such significant Roman social institutions, the principes of

Cortona displayed a willingness to Romanize in the public sphere and this „self-

Romanization‟ guaranteed minimum social upheaval (Fracchia 2006: 35).

Consequently, the traditional class system persisted in northern inland Etruria and,

despite a severe crisis in the first half of the second century BC, endured into the

first century BC (Harris 1971: 202-12, Torelli 1986)7.

In the territory around Cortona, a number of small rural holdings,

associated with a rapid population expansion, began to appear in close proximity

throughout the valley in the early third century BC. After the Battle of Trasimeno

and the associated devastation of 217 BC, the entire countryside around Cortona

was deserted, although by the late third and early second centuries BC there was

intense repopulation of specific areas, with concentrations detectable in the

vicinity of the modern municipalities of Camucia and Terontola (Fracchia 2006:

11). While there is evidence for the concentration of land (and, resultantly, power)

at the turn of the second century BC, in general the rural settlement pattern in the

Val di Chiana appears to have remained largely unchanged (Fracchia 1996,

7 The system was not without changes, however, and the dependent class was able to partially

integrate into the Etruscan political system. Throughout the second century BC, a number of

subordinate farmers came to own and work small tracts of land around Perugia, Chiusi, Volterra

and Arezzo (Torelli 1986).

Fracchia 2006: 25-7). Terrenato (1998) has argued convincingly that in Volterra,

the endurance of settlement pattern was related, at least in part, to the interwoven

nature of social order, landholding practices, religion and ideology. Whatever the

reason, evidence for a number of villas and rural hamlets has been discovered

throughout the valley, indicating a continuation of Etruscan habitation sites

(Fracchia 1996).8

The late second century and early first century also saw the function of

locations that had been important to the Etruscan population “transformed” to

have a different importance in the new Roman reality (Fracchia 2006: 14).

Etruscan shrines and springs associated with healing waters became sites for

Roman baths and, throughout the valley, a number of villas have been identified

on the sites of Etruscan tombs, sanctuaries, or other “cult” places (Fracchia 2006).

This was a period of true absorption: Latinization, followed subsequently by

Romanization, occurred to the extent that by the third decade of the first century

BC, “Etruria no longer existed as a separate entity” (Barker and Rasmussen 1998:

292, see also Bruun 1975: 496, Harris 1971: 318).

Throughout this period, however, there is evidence that many of the

powerful Etruscan families continued to own their land and to fill politically

important positions in the running of Cortona. At the villa at Ossaia, located

approximately halfway between Camucia and Terontola on the Roman Via Cassia

and dated to the late second or early first century BC, the earliest owners were of

8 Although Witcher (2006) notes that the lack of large-scale and systematic surface surveys limits

our ability to draw conclusions about the settlement pattern in the Val di Chiana in the Early

Imperial period.

Etruscan descent, though they displayed significant „Romanization‟ in terms of

language and fashions (Fracchia 2006). The famous first century BC

L’Arringatore, or The Orator, statue found near the shores of Lake Trasimeno

depicts Aulus Metellus: a member of a wealthy Etruscan family. This statue

displays an interesting combination of Roman and Etruscan characteristics, as it

portrays an individual from an Etruscan family in a Roman-appointed government

position, in Roman dress with the Latinized version of his name inscribed on his

toga in Etruscan (H. Fracchia, pers. comm.). This continuity of people and place,

with the gradual adoption of Roman attributes, characterizes the Romanization of

the Val di Chiana as a whole and the territory of Cortona in particular.

CONCLUSION

Analysis of the inhumations from the Sodo tumuli and Terontola is only

valid within a thorough understanding of the cultural context presented above.

With the necessary background information established, it is now possible to

move forward into an examination of the archaeological context of the burials

themselves.

Figure 2.1. Map of central Italy showing Pisa, Rome, and significant Etruscan

settlements. (Adapted from Barker and Rasmussen 1998, Fig. 4).

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(PDF) University of Alberta · strategies to create new, unique traditions (Wallace-Hadrill 2008: 10). Conventionally, these processes have been obscured by the blanket term „Romanization‟, - PDFSLIDE.NET (2024)

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